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“Both Sexes’ Equality” Moving forward without LGBTI People?

Ministry of Gender Equality and Family’s Regressive Policy

By Narang
Published: December 2, 2015
Translated by Marilyn Hook

As of July 1st of the year, the “Framework Act on Women’s Development” was revised to become the “Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality*.” But the concept of “both sexes’ equality” here is strange. It being realized in a distorted fashion, whether by instructing women’s rights events to avoid using the word “women” because men and women must be equal, or by discounting LGBTI people because the term “both sexes” does not apply to them.

Ignore threats to any kind of equality besides that between men and women?

Before the change was put into effect, the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family (MOGEF) released a statement saying that, “While the ‘Framework Act on Women's Development’ had focused on the increase of women's position and development of women... the policy direction based on new Framework Act is to materialize gender equal society in cooperation with women and men to secure equal rights, responsibilities and participation opportunities for women and men in all areas of society.” (Source)

In accordance with this, the Women Week that has been held July 1st-7th every year has been changed to “Both Sexes’ Equality Week.” This caused a discomforting incident in South Gyeongsang Province. The Gyeongnam Women’s Association United, which had been overseeing the event there, suddenly received word from the provincial government that “a event for both sexes’ equality can’t be entrusted solely to women’s organizations” and so their funding would be reduced to half that of the previous year’s.

The provincial government also responded to the event’s goal of promoting agendas important to women and expanding their political participation by pointing out that “mentioning women isn’t in keeping with the goal of both sexes’ equality,” and also requested that “women” be taken out of the phrase “women’s political empowerment.” It appears that interpreting “both sexes’ equality” as superficial equality between men and women leads to women’s rights actually being reduced.

The problem becomes worse when you realize that this isn’t a chance occurrence at a local government office. An outrageous line of reasoning holds that because “both sexes’ equality” means equality between the two genders, male and female, other types of equality may go ignored.

On Oct. 10, a rally titled “Ain’t I a Woman?”, for female sexual minorities who oppose MOGEF’s discrimination against LGBTI people , was held in front of Daehanmun
© SOGI Legal Policy Research Society

Last June, Daejeon Metropolitan City enacted a gender equality ordinance that included a clause related to rights protection and support for LGBTI people. In August, MOGEF asked the city to remove this clause, saying that it was not in keeping with the purpose of the Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality. Citizens held one-person demonstrations in front of Daejeon City Hall in protest against this action, but the city assembly enacted a version of the ordinance that did not include the clause in September.

Seeing the situation get to this point after the enactment of the Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality, organizations and citizens calling for LGBTI rights gathered in front of Daehanmun in Seoul to hold a rally, entitled “Ain’t I a Woman?”, on October 10th. Even within the women’s movement, concern and protest regarding MOGEF’s actions and the direction that policy for women is taking are rising.

Fate of the “Act on Women’s Development” amid charges of reverse discrimination

On November 27, a forum entitled “Gender Equality Policy, Theory, and the Direction and Future of the Movement,” which over 100 people attended, was held at Chung-Ang University’s Law School Building. The event was held jointly by SOGI Legal Policy Research Society, Korean Women’s Association United, the Minority Rights Council/Women’s Council of MINBYUN Lawyers for a Democratic Society, and others, and its atmosphere was passionate from start to finish as questions and discussion were flew.

Professor Bae Eun-Kyeong of Seoul National University introduced the history of women’s policy in Korea and explained the background against which the Framework Act on Women’s Development, which had been enacted in 1995, came to be changed to the Framework Act on Both sexes’ Equality.

“Despite the fact that several rounds of amendments to the Framework Act on Women’s Development meant that it functioned as a framework act for gender equality and gender-mainstreaming, there was the problem that it had ‘women’s development’ in the name and so gave the feeling that gender equality would be achieved by developing women. Also, it gave the feeling that only women benefitted from it, even though the biologically female aren’t the only beneficiaries. As we entered the 2000s, there began to be calls to change the name of the Framework Act on Women’s Development.”

Preparations to amend the Framework Act on Women’s Development began in earnest during the 17th National Assembly (May 30, 2004—May 29, 2008). At that time, the name “Framework Act on Gender Equality” was suggested. However, during the 18th National Assembly (May 30, 2008—May 29, 2012), when Assemblywoman Sin Nak-kyun of the Democratic Party proposed the “Framework Act on Gender Equality,” MOGEF suggested that its name be changed to “Framework Act on Women’s Policy.”

Professor Bae said, “[MOGEF] explained that when the name was changed to ‘Framework Act on Gender Equality,’ the controversy over reverse discrimination was deepening, and [the ministry] was worried that the beneficiaries and base of women’s policy would be shaken [if they didn’t take “women” out of the name].” Although gender equality policy does not only benefit women, the ministry in charge of enacting such policy did not explain this and instead showed a passive attitude toward public opinion about “reverse discrimination” against men.

“Gender Equality Policy, Theory, and the Direction and Future of the Movement” forum held at Chung-Ang University’s Law School Building on Nov. 27. © Ilda

During the [current] 19th National Assembly, when serious discussion of the amendment of the act began, controversy erupted over its name. The controversy was over whether to call it “Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality” or “Framework Act on Gender Equality.”

Na Yeong-jeong, a permanent researcher at the SOGI Legal Policy Research Society, said, “During this process, ‘gender equality’ came to be understood as a term inclusive of gay, lesbian, and intersex people, and that is why it was rejected.”

The real reason for the controversy over “gender equality” or “both sexes’ equality”

Transcripts from the Gender Equality and Family Committee of the 19th National Assembly allow us to see how the terms “gender equality” and “both sexes’ equality” were interpreted in the process of revising the Framework Act on Women’s Development. Let’s look at expert testimony from the “Public Hearing on the Revision of the Framework Act on Women’s Development” that the committee held in 2014.

“From a legal standpoint, it is my opinion that in accordance with Articles 11 and 36 of the Constitution, which is the final standard, the term ‘both sexes’ equality’ is more fitting. I think that one can infer the idea of ‘both sexes’ equality’ from the Constitution, but it is overreaching to infer the idea of ‘gender equality.’ In several areas, such as intersex or sexual orientation, our constitution is actually not that compassionate.” (Kim Yong-hwa, professor at Sookmyung Women’s University College of Law)

“I think that it may be too early for ‘gender equality.’ I believe that, in our country, it is still more necessary to emphasize discussion of men and women, a clearly definable two sexes. Because, as in Article 36 (1) of our constitution, the importance of family and marriage is still alive, it is claimed that both sexes’ equality and the dignity of the individual must be preserved as foundations, and it is because our nation and society are firmly established with these as foundations that...” (Kim Jeong-suk, President of the Korean National Council of Women)

To summarize: ‘both sexes’ equality’ refers only to equality between men and women, while ‘gender equality’ includes intersex and LGBT people. Also, there is the opinion that the idea of both sexes’ equality can be inferred from the Constitution, but the idea of gender equality cannot, and so, while it is still too early for gender equality, ‘both sexes’ equality’ is acceptable. The name ‘both sexes’ equality’ was thus proposed with the intention of excluding LGBTI people.

Ironically, both “gender equality” and “both sexes’ equality” [yang-seong-pyeong-deung] are translated as “gender equality” in English. Na Yeong-jeong, the permanent researcher at SOGI Legal Policy Research Council, explained that there is no basis for the claim that “[yang-seong-pyeong-deung]” assumes a distinction between two biological sexes, male and female. She added that the idea that “gender equality” includes intersex or different sexual orientations also differs depending on one’s viewpoint and interpretation. “The problem is that they made that kind of interpretation and argument, without any basis, in order to reject the term ‘gender equality’,” Ms. Na pointed out.

The Oct. 10th rally condemning MOGEF (“Ain’t I a Woman?”)
© Provided by SOGI Legal Policy Research Council

The Constitution doesn’t guarantee “gender equality”?

There has been criticism of those who testified at the public hearing that “both sexes’ equality” can be inferred from the Constitution while “gender equality” cannot.

Article 11 of the Constitution states, “All citizens shall be equal before the law, and there shall be no discrimination in political, economic, social or cultural life on account of sex, religion or social status.” Article 36(1) declares, “Marriage and family life shall be entered into and sustained on the basis of individual dignity and equality of [both] sexes, and the State shall do everything in its power to achieve that goal.”

At the public hearing, participants pointed out that though our constitution guarantees “gender equality,” the Constitution was being distorted in order to stubbornly exclude LGBTI people, in the process of revising the Framework Act on Women’s Development.

Ms. Na said, “If you’re going to talk about gender equality in the Constitution, you should focus on Article 11, which prohibits sex-based discrimination and specifies equal rights.” In reference to Article 36, which guarantees both sexes’ equality in marriage and family life, she argued, “It is overreaching to interpret this as a claim that marriage must only be possible between those of the opposite sex.”

Attorney Ryu Min-hui (of Lawyers for a Democratic Society’s Women’s Rights Council) also expressed concern: “Article 36(1) of the Constitution, which contributed to gender equality by providing the basis for eliminating common laws that had many discriminatory aspects, such as the household head system [ho-ju-je], adultery, etc., is being interpreted as limiting the basic rights of LGBTI people.”

In the end, the law proposed to replace the Framework Act on Women’s Development was given the name “Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality.”

Ms. Na said, “In a situation in which LGBTI problems are taking their place as part of human rights policies, it is regrettable that LBGTQI people are being stigmatized as inadequate citizens when the direction and goals of women’s policy are decided.” She asked, “Is it right for the state, which must guarantee the basic rights of all citizens, to stigmatize like that or justify such discrimination and exclusion, all in the name of women’s policy?”

Regressive women’s policy that ignores difference and diversity

People who participated in the “Gender Equality Policy, Theory, and the Direction and Future of the Movement” forum agreed that the Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality, far from overcoming the limits of existing women’s policy, turns the clock back and will drag women’s policy backwards.

MOGEF’s name in English is the “Ministry of Gender Equality and Family” [while its Korean name more correctly translates to “Ministry of Women and Family”]. Its name already includes the word “gender,” which means “social sex.” However, as “gender equality” became “both sexes’ equality” in the process of revising the law, its meaning has shrunk to refer only equality between biological men and women.

 “In the question of whether to translate ‘gender’ as ‘gender’ or as ‘both sexes’ equality’, ‘both sexes’ equality’ won in the end. This means that the equality that women’s policy has to seek is only that between the sexes. In women’s policy, this kind of regression, of abolishing ‘gender’ (social sex) and bringing in ‘sex’ (biological sex), means turning the clock back decades.” (Professor Bae Eun-kyeong)

Professor Bae expressed concern, saying, “If this happens, the variety of differences that exist among women and the diverse problems that arise because of the intersection of gender and other social categories will go ignored.”

People live in a reality where biological sex intersects complexly with a variety of other identities, such as age, ability, sexual orientation, race, class, nationality, generation, or religion. In order to reveal these complex identities, American women of color feminists have proposed the concept of intersectionality. The UN and many countries around the world are applying this concept in their women’s policy.

In a document from 2000 entitled “Gender Mainstreaming: An Overview,” the UN explained, “Women and men are not homogenous groups. It is important not to generalize across diverse populations, but rather to consider the ways that needs and perspectives of individuals are influenced by a range of factors.” UN Women’s 2014 “Tips for formulating HR and GE indicators,” which provided guidelines for how to implement gender mainstreaming in national policy, entreated, “Do not treat stakeholders as a uniform group,” and recommended creating indices sensitive to gender, ethnicity, age, disabilities, health, income, sexual orientation, gender identity, HIV status, political affiliation, and other factors.

Ms. Ryu, the attorney, revealed, “That certain intersections (sexual orientation, gender identity) were actively excluded during the process of making the Framework Act on Both Sexes’ Equality is extremely unjust by international standards or UN Women’s point of view.” She continued, “UN Women makes clear in its guidelines that considering the intersections of sexual orientation and gender identity is ‘good practice.’ South Korea’s MOGEF is obstructing that kind of good practice.”

Ms. Ryu said, “The international systems for protecting women’s rights are currently focusing on the violence and discrimination that LBTI women and girls suffer,” and explained that twelve specialized agencies of the UN, including the International Labour Organization and the World Health Organization, have released a joint statement entitled, “Ending violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people.”

*Translator’s note: The official English name of this law is “Framework Act on Gender Equality.” However, as will become clear, there is supposedly a difference between yang-seong-pyeong-deung (the term chosen for the law) and seong-pyeong-deung, which is the term usually translated as “gender equality.” I have attempted to preserve this distinction by translating the former as “both sexes’ equality” and the latter as “gender equality.”


*Original article:




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