Considering the potential effects of two anti-discrimination bills proposed in the 22nd National Assembly
By Park Ju-Yeon
Published Feb. 20, 2026
Translated by Marilyn Hook
In January of this year, the
“Anti-Discrimination Act" was introduced in the National Assembly by
Representative Son Sol of the Progressive Party. The following month, another
"Anti-Discrimination Act" was proposed by Representative Jeong
Chun-saeng of the Rebuilding Korea Party. An anti-discrimination act was first
proposed as national legislation during the Roh Moo-hyun administration in
2007, but it was thwarted due to opposition from some religious groups.
Multiple such bills have been submitted to the National Assembly since then,
but each time they have been left to languish, without even a proper
discussion, until they expired.
Without national laws against discrimination,
problems such as the advent of "no-kids/no-senior zones," the
exclusion of immigrants, anti-Chinese sentiment, misogyny, backlash against the
movement for mobility rights waged by people with disabilities, and
discrimination against LGBTQ+ people have intensified throughout society in
recent years, and the resulting rifts between us have grown increasingly deep.
Therefore, the establishment of
anti-discrimination laws is more important than ever as a minimum institutional
mechanism to combat hatred. However, misinformation, baseless slander, and
simple misunderstandings regarding such laws continue to spread, making
negative perceptions of the legislation a major obstacle to its enactment.
On February 12, a forum titled "Let's
Examine the Anti-Discrimination Act from A to Z" was held at the National
Assembly Members' Office Building. Co-hosted by Assemblymember Son, the
Progressive Party's Women & Mothers Committee, and the South Korean
Coalition for Anti-discrimination Legislation (SKCAL), the event was organized
as part of the "Series of Forums for the Enactment of the
Anti-Discrimination Act in the 22nd National Assembly." Jang Ye-jeong, standing
chair of SKCAL’s executive committee, served as the moderator for a panel of
presenters comprising Hong Seong-su, a professor at Sookmyung Women's University
and author of the book The Illusion of Not Discriminating; Assemblymember
Sol; and Yeo Gyeong, leader of the Gender Equality Media &
Anti-Discrimination Team at Womenlink.
A promise to protect all members of society
Presenting first, Professor Hong pointed out
that “since the 2010s, Korean society has faced complex crises such as low
economic growth and an aging population,” and then explained his analysis that
“in these crisis situations, people began to seek scapegoats to alleviate their
anxiety, which leads to the spread of hatred and discrimination against those
they perceive as weaker than themselves or about whom they did not normally
have a favorable opinion.”
The next problem is “the fact that these issues
have not been resolved during the past ten years, or even seriously addressed.”
While the National Human Rights Commission Act
defines what constitutes a human rights violation, it merely “outlines the
concept of discrimination in roughly seven lines.” Professor Hong asked,
"How can discrimination be explained in just seven lines of text?" He
argued that legislation that properly explains and defines discrimination is
needed, saying, "The concept of discrimination must be concretized through
dozens of provisions in an anti-discrimination law so that citizens can
understand what constitutes discrimination and prevent it, while victims can
have the assurance of receiving redress."
Professor Hong also addressed the mistaken view
held by some that anti-discrimination laws are "laws for minorities,"
explaining, "Anyone can become a minority depending on the
situation." He continued, "Groups commonly perceived as minorities
can, in some cases, hold the status of the majority, and conversely, groups with
majority status can become minorities depending on the context. Furthermore,
there are instances where a group that held the status of the majority
yesterday might find itself in the status of a minority tomorrow."
Professor Hong emphasized, “This legislation is
ultimately essential for all citizens living in this community.” He explained
that anti-discrimination laws are a promise to protect all members of the
community, even if not immediately, from discrimination they may face.
The next speaker was Yeo Gyeong of Womenlink’s
Gender Equality Media and Anti-Discrimination Team. She emphasized the
necessity of the anti-discrimination legislation by stating, “A person is not
defined solely by their gender identity… An individual’s identity is inevitably
connected to diverse other factors such as region, age, education level, and
employment status.”
Her argument was that "existing narrow
anti-discrimination laws, such as the Equal Employment Opportunity Act, cannot
on their own resolve all disadvantages arising from complex reasons, such as
discrimination based on appearance or ideological screening during the hiring
process; therefore, a comprehensive anti-discrimination law that regulates a
variety of grounds [for discrimination] is necessary."
Ms. Yeo reminded forum attendees of instances in
recent years where women have faced violence and exclusion for reasons such as
revealing feminists beliefs upon questioning, following women's groups like Womenlink
on social media, or “looking like feminists" because they have short hair.
She explained, "With anti-discrimination laws, we will be able to look at
such ideological screening and say, ‘This is something employers must not do,’
and ‘This is discrimination.'" She emphasized that enacting an anti-discrimination
act is a process of creating another safety net for female workers.
Assemblymember Son, who proposed one of the
bills, also stated that she drafted the legislation while deliberating on
measures to prohibit discrimination in the labor sector, taking into account
changes in employment patterns and the rise of precarious labor: “Because there
are too many workers who do not count as ‘employees’ under the Labor Standards
Act, we have ensured that various forms of ‘labor providers,’ such as platform
workers [those who do gig work for digital platforms like delivery apps] and special
employment workers [independent contractors for other types of businesses],
receive legal protection.”
Assemblymember Son explained that the bill was
designed to address new types of discrimination as well. She noted that
"suspicions have been raised recently among delivery workers that the AI assigning
their work gives fewer tasks to women and the elderly," and argued,
"The algorithms related to this must be disclosed, and we must verify
whether the discrimination is actually taking place." She added, "We
have also included acts of ideological screening [during recruiting] or
harassment in the workplace, such as labeling people as 'commies' or 'femi'
[a slur for feminists], as forms of discrimination.”
Fears of overuse of criminal punishment are
unfounded; result of new laws is more likely to be prevention and harm
remedying
One of the major misconceptions about
anti-discrimination laws is that if they are enacted, criminal penalties will
abound and freedom of expression will disappear, leaving people unable to say
anything.
Professor Hong Seong-su explained, “In truth, it
is difficult for someone to receive criminal punishment solely for committing
discrimination.” He added that if criminal complaints are filed for
discrimination, “the judiciary will have no choice but to make conservative
judgments, which will result in an increase in not-guilty verdicts.”
Therefore, “setting up a discrimination
rectification body—kind of like the National Human Rights Commission—and having
it make recommendations and resolve the problem is considered the first-order
solution.” Professor Hong explained, “Although the recommendations themselves would
not be legally binding, the official acknowledgment of discrimination by a state
agency would act as significant pressure on the companies or institutions
involved, and even now, a high percentage—around 70% to 90%—of the
recommendations are implemented [at the targeted organizations], private
companies included.”
If the recommendations are ignored, the victim could
then proceed with a civil lawsuit. Anti-discrimination laws could be utilized
in such cases as well. “The persuasive arguments and evidence prepared during
investigations by the National Human Rights Commission [usually] serve as
highly favorable evidence for the victim in court, significantly increasing the
chances of winning. Furthermore, the proposed Anti-Discrimination Act includes
provisions for litigation support.”
In this way, the Anti-Discrimination Act would
not immediately impose criminal penalties for everyday acts of discrimination
themselves. However, it would strictly prohibit and include provisions for
criminal punishment for imposing "retaliatory disadvantageous
measures"—such as dismissal, forced transfer, or denial of promotion—on
individuals who raise issues of discrimination. This establishes a mechanism to
ensure that whistleblowers and victims can have the courage to report incidents
without fear of future retaliation.
The role and effectiveness of the
anti-discrimination laws are more about prevention rather than punishment.
Professor Hong Seong-su pointed out, “If bodies for addressing discrimination are
established and bring about change through their proper functioning, then
companies, universities, and so on will also set up human rights centers to
handle discrimination issues internally.” Those bodies will also strive to
prevent discrimination from occurring. “The fundamental purpose of the
Anti-Discrimination Act is to create a structure that fosters this virtuous
cycle,” Professor Hong emphasized.
Government must make plans to address and
prevent discrimination
The panelists unanimously agreed that the
effects of anti-discrimination laws could be varied and far-reaching. Ms. Yeo
predicted, “If the Anti-discrimination Act is enacted, discriminatory
expressions and messages in the media could also be reduced.”
“Although broadcasting and telecommunications
deliberation standards already exist, there is a problem where, depending on
who the commissioners are, they may decline to accept as an agenda item an
issue that has been raised, or they may interpret the standards strangely [when
addressing the issue]. It’s certainly significant that a basic law presenting
specific standards for discrimination is [potentially] being established to
enable the Communications Standards Commission to function properly.”
Anti-discrimination laws could also influence
school education, according to Ms. Yeo: “If gender equality education or human
rights awareness education related to discrimination is included in school
curricula to enable discussions on difference and discrimination, rather than
engaging personal attacks or taking sides, students can learn diversity and
inclusion.”
Assemblymember Son cited the establishment of a
national-level discrimination prevention plan as another major effect. Her bill
includes provisions that “impose an obligation on the state to rectify
discrimination and mandate that state agencies, such as the Prime Minister’s
Office, establish a comprehensive plan every five years for the rectification
and prevention of discrimination.” She added that not only establishing a plan
but also “presenting goals aligned with the plan and enabling discussions on
whether they are valid and realistic and so on” would be important parts of the
process.
*Original article: https://www.ildaro.com/10393



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